There are certain summers that stick with you—not because everything went smoothly, but because life had a way of handing you exactly the lessons you needed. My internship in the state of Washington, the summer of 1980, was one of those. Back then, I was a junior at Iowa State, trying to line up all the things I thought would guarantee a good job after graduation: solid grades, some campus involvement, and most importantly, that golden ticket on any engineering résumé—an internship in your field. So I spent the spring sending out application after application, collecting a thick stack of rejection letters in return. It became routine enough that some days I’d find myself laughing at how efficiently companies could say “No thanks.” My dorm room wall was full of “flush letters” and I treated it like it was a badge of honor.
Money for Influence
Money for Influence
The Outrage Over Trump’s Ballroom Donations Is Selective, Not Honest
If you read the New York Times article about Trump’s ballroom donors without any historical context, you might think something unprecedented has just happened — that businesses and wealthy individuals are suddenly using money to gain political favor. That the idea of a donor contributing to something connected to the White House — and possibly benefitting in return — is some shocking violation of American ethics.
But if we step back and look at American political history with a clear lens, the truth is far less dramatic and far more familiar: Lobbyists and corporations have been giving money to politicians, campaigns, party committees, super PACs, libraries, foundations, presidential centers, inaugural committees, policy institutes, and government “legacy projects” for decades — long before Donald Trump set foot in the White House.
To act as if this ballroom is the birthplace of political influence is disingenuous at best, and deliberately misleading at worst.
Money for Influence: A Tale As Old As Washington, D.C.
Let’s be honest: there is nothing new here.
Corporations donated millions to Bill Clinton’s presidential library — while he was still influencing policy and granting pardons.
Barack Obama raised more money from Wall Street than any candidate in history before regulating them.
Joe Biden’s campaign was heavily funded by Big Tech and Big Pharma — industries that have since seen favorable decisions.
Democrats and Republicans alike accept PAC money, super PAC money, dark money, union money, nonprofit money, billionaire money, Hollywood money, foreign-interest money routed through U.S. subsidiaries, and “anonymous” donations funneled through 501(c)(3) and 501(c)(4) groups.
And yet, suddenly, a privately funded ballroom — not a presidential library, not a campaign war chest, not a foundation that pays political staff salaries — is being treated like the scandal of the century.
If the standard is that no one with business before the government may donate to any project connected to a president, then every modern president would fail that test.
Every. Single. One.
So the question is not “Is this happening under Trump?”
The honest question is: “Why is it only a scandal when Trump does it?”
The Illusion of “Anonymous” Donations
The article expresses concern that some of the donors are “anonymous,” implying secrecy, corruption, and backroom deals.
But the most common form of anonymous political influence today is not Trump’s ballroom — it’s the pandemic of dark money nonprofits that spend billions every election cycle with zero donor disclosure.
If anonymous donations are the moral outrage, then where is the Times’ 2,000-word exposé on:
Arabella Advisors’ $1 billion dark-money political network funding progressive causes?
Tom Steyer, George Soros, or the Silicon Valley billionaires who fund “nonprofit advocacy” that just happens to align with Democratic platforms?
Planned Parenthood, Sierra Club, NRA, and hundreds of 501(c)(3)/501(c)(4) organizations that legally hide donors while influencing legislation?
The Trust for the National Mall — the nonprofit managing the ballroom funds — operates from the exact same IRS category as environmental groups, activist groups, political impact charities, and university policy centers.
So let’s be clear: anonymous donations are only considered corrupt here because the name “Trump” is attached to the building.
Where Was This Outrage When…
Obama’s foundation took foreign donations while negotiating global deals?
The Clinton Foundation collected millions from Saudi Arabia, Wall Street banks, and telecom giants — then Hillary Clinton’s State Department approved deals that benefitted them?
Biden’s nonprofit “think tank” received funding from groups tied to China — while classified documents were stored in its closet?
John McCain and Ted Kennedy had corporate-funded policy centers named after them while they were still writing and voting on legislation?
We didn’t see breathless headlines demanding donor lists, ethics reviews, or doomsday editorials about “corporate influence destroying democracy.”
Because the problem isn't donations. The problem — for the media — is who the donations are associated with.
Lobbying Isn’t a Trump Creation — It’s a Washington Structure
The article implies that donors are giving money “to curry favor” or “seek protection.”
Of course they are.
That is what lobbying is. For decades, industries have given money to:
✅ secure contracts
✅ soften regulations
✅ get tax breaks
✅ protect market access
✅ gain political allies
Every major administration — Republican or Democrat — has rewarded industries that backed them with money, media influence, or electoral support.
The pharmaceutical industry bought influence under Biden.
Big Tech bought influence under Obama.
Defense contractors bought influence under both Bush and Clinton.
Unions bought influence under FDR and JFK.
Railroads bought influence all the way back to Abraham Lincoln.
This is not an indictment of one president.
It is an indictment of a system the media only cares about selectively.
The Ballroom vs. the Billions
There is something almost darkly comedic about the idea that the biggest ethical threat in Washington is… a building addition.
Not a PAC.
Not a super PAC.
Not a $100 million campaign fund.
Not a foreign-funded think tank.
Not a billionaire-controlled activist network.
A ballroom.
A ballroom that taxpayers are not paying for.
A ballroom that will remain on the White House grounds long after Trump is gone.
A ballroom that — if built under Obama or Biden — would have been praised as a “symbol of civic unity made possible by public-private partnership.”
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The Real Issue: Selective Outrage Undermines Real Reform
If the media, politicians, and ethics “experts” actually cared about money in politics, they would:
Demand all nonprofits disclose donors
Ban dark money across both parties
Forbid corporations from donating to presidential libraries, foundations, or policy institutes
End the revolving door between Congress, lobbying firms, and federal agencies
Require full transparency for foreign-funded academic and political influence
But we don’t see that.
Instead, we see a ritual pattern:
1. Ignore corporate influence when it benefits one political tribe.
2. Sound alarms only when the other tribe does the same thing.
3. Pretend the outrage is about ethics, not partisanship.
The New York Times isn't exposing corruption. It is continuing a narrative:
“When Trump does something, it’s scandalous. When others do it, it’s normal.”
Conclusion
If this ballroom is corruption, then so are presidential libraries, think tanks, foundations, policy institutes, inaugural committees, and every 501(c)(3) nonprofit tied to power in Washington.
If anonymous donors are dangerous now, they were dangerous decades ago.
If influence through money is suddenly immoral, then we must indict the entire political system — not just one president.
Because the truth is simple:
✅ Corporations always pay for access.
✅ Politicians always benefit from donations.
✅ Washington has always been transactional.
The only difference today is not what is happening…
It’s who is doing it — and which media outlets benefit from attacking it.
Until we hold every administration to the same standard, we’re not fighting corruption.
We’re just picking teams.

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Tim is a graduate of Iowa State University and has a Mechanical Engineering degree. He spent 40 years in Corporate America before retiring and focusing on other endeavors. He is active with his loving wife and family, volunteering, keeping fit, running the West Egg businesses, and writing blogs and articles for the newspaper.
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